: Muḥammad ibn Yūsuf al-Sanūsī, who was one of the theologian of later Muslim Asʿharī theologians, is one of the scholar came to the fore in Maghrib. Although al-Sanūsī shapes his thoughts within the Asʿharī’s kalam system, he presents new contributions to this system with his own unique perspective. In particular, his effort to give importance to reason in maʿrifat Allāh is remarkable. According to him, maʿrifat Allāh can only be reached with reflection. Also the reflection is waʿẓ or contexture (...) process done in the reason. When a method is followed, such an reflection leads to the maʿrifatullāh. In particular, the ruling wisdom adds a form to the functioning of the reason through its perceived and compassionate perceptions. For a believer to know the necessary, the permissible and the impossible is to use the reason. In this context al-Sanūsī imposes a central role in the concept of judgment. If the human can operates its reason in this way, necessarily will comprehend that he/she is created. In the process of acquiring the knowledge, al-Sanūsī draws attention to the heart as much as the reason and that shows that he is in the effort of combining these two. Summary: Muḥammad ibn Yūsuf al-Sanūsī is a scholar raised at the Maghreb geography. Although al-Sanūsī, living in the 9th/15th century, gave a lot of work in different fields, his theologian identity became front-line. By standing against the innovation that he had seen during his era, he wrote many beliefs works. Among these works, the relation of maʿrifat Allāh-reason attracts attention. al-Sanūsī thinks that the most important means of delivering to maʿrifat Allāh is deduciton. According to him, the deduction is “to reveal the known to reach the desired thing or to arrange two or more works”. If we evaluate this definition in terms of Asʿharī tradition, we will see that al-Sanūsī is in the effort to emending the definition of his al-Qāḍī al-Bayḍāwī’s definition who is his contemporary. al-Bayḍāwī described deduction as ‘to organize things that are not known to be known’. al-Sanūsī made a contribution to this recognition. He has adopted the arrange part completely and also add the waʿẓ expression into that. The reason why al-Sanūsī goes to such a separation is the reason for trying to explain the functioning of the reason in a logical form. In the logical sense, the thought consists of envision and confirmation. From these concepts that constitute thought, envision refers to waʿẓ, and confirmation refers to arrange. If the definition of al-Bayḍāwī is accepted as valid, the envision in reason is incomplete. This shows the importance that al-Sanūsī gives to the functioning of the reason in terms of the achievement of the maʿrifat Allāh. The confirmation made without envision can lead a person to imitation. Therefore, the deduction made by waʿẓ must be taken into account. It can be imagined groundlessly that in the definition of deduciton which al-Sanūsī made, he had an understanding of reason that doesn’t base on Allah. However, al-Sanūsī has never broken the Asʿharī tradition in this matter. According to al-Sanūsī, both the deduction and the knowledge formed as a result of this, is Allah’s creation without means. There is no influence of deduction on knowledge and also the knowledge on deduction. Also, the human has no influence neither in inference nor knowledge. It seems to be contradictory to the definition of such a discourse. However, he made his interpretations within the framework of the understanding of the omnipotence that the Asʿharites had drawn. It is unthinkable that Allah, who created everything and even man’s actions, can’t be imagine that doesn’t create thought. Intellect produces knowledge, but Allah creates both intellect and the knowledge produced by intellect. al-Sanūsī, while describing deduction, said that it could be produced with waʿẓ in the sense of envision. However, there is another very important concept that creates a conception from his point of view, which is “judgment”. According to him, judgment is “the proof or negation of something”. The phrases “the universe is created” or “Allah is not created” are the examples of a proof or negation of an issue. See, this is a judgment. In this sense, envision is a road to judgment. That is, the information obtained by envision reaches a judgment in the forms of the reason. al-Sanūsī classify the judgment in to three: lawful, ordinary, intellectual. The lawful judgment is the salutation of Allah with the demand related to the actions of the amenable, not being good deed or sin or waʿẓ. Ordinary judgment is the link between the existence or absence of a state and the existence or absence of another state. The most important of these three judgments is the intellectual judgment. As for the intellectual judgment, it is the proof or the negation of a work without waʿẓ and repetition. It is separated from lawful judgment without being waʿẓ and separated from ordinary judgment with being not repeated. In this sense, if the mind needs the examination or repetition while deciding for a work’s certainty or negation, this kind of a judgment is not lawful or ordinary but it is intellectual judgment. The reason judges either a work’s certainty or absence together, or accepts only the certainty or accepts the negation. According to al-Sanūsī, having the right to comment on belief is pertain to intellectual judgment in the first place. al-Sanūsī takes the maʿrifat Allāh to the center in matters related to the place of reason and examines the relation of the maʿrifat Allāh with these three concepts. What al-Sanūsī tends in doing so is that to show that there is an inherent meaning of reason as well as having relevance of knowing some things. As a result, according to al-Sanūsī, knowing these three parts of the intellectual judgment is the reason itself. Anybody who does not know these, is the person without reason. al-Sanūsī thinks that it is necessary for the amenable to know the intellectual judgments and its parts. This necessity is to make the amenable separate the things about Allah or his prophets related to necessity, permissible and impossible attributes; but also, the things exist within the limits of intellectual judgment or not. The amenable who know these has evidence and thereby can defeat the doubts that may have formed or may will form in him. al-Sanūsī also emphasizes the deduction of reason to reach the maʿrifat Allāh with reason. According to him, it is the best deduction method in terms of the evidence that Allah exists is that the deduction from causing agent to cause and the deduction from one correlative to another The acceptance of the possible entity has agent who wills its existence, oppose to the Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, that this proposition is whether imperative or not. According to him, these propositions are not imperative, they need deduction. In this respect, deduction is necessary for the maʿrifat Allāh. The reason which is considered in the sense of logic in al-Sanūsī is not a structure which merely functions as a analogy and a deduction. On the contrary, according to al-Sanūsī, there is a direction going towards the heart from the point of reason and it seems that the heart is used in meaning of reason. This is an example of al-Sanūsī’s attempt to combine mystical knowledge with reason and legal injunction. This is a remediation project in terms of his time. (shrink)

17. yy. da Osmanlıların bir eyaleti olan Trablusgarb’da doğup büyüyen Ahmed b. Huseyn el-Behlûl, Mısır’ın önemli ilim adamlarından eğitim almış sonra memleketine dönmüştür. Osmanlı dönemi şairi Ahmed el-Behlûl, şairlik yönünün yanı sıra Akâid sahasında Durretu’l-‘Akâi’d, Fıkıh sahasında el-Mu‘ayyene ve el-‘Izziyye ve Arap Dili ve Edebiyatı sahasında el-Makâmetu’l-Vitriyye gibi eserleri telif ederek çeşitli sahalarla ilgilenmiş bir âlimdir. Behlûl, ed-Durru’l-Asfâ ve’z-Zebercedu’l-Musaffâ fî Medhi’l-Mustafâ ismiyle meşhur divânını tamamıyla Hz. Muhammed’i medhe tahsis etmiştir. Başta Libya olmak üzere Kuzey Afrika’da meşhur olan Divan, Kâdî (...) ‘İyâz’ın el-‘Iyâdiyye isimli manzumesine yazılmış bir tahmis olup Arap alfabesinin 29 harfinin her biriyle başlayıp beşlemelerin sonlarını da yine aynı harfle bitirdiği 29 kasideden oluşur. Şair, divanında Hz. Peygamber’in doğumu, nesebi, güzel ahlakı ve şemâili, mucizeleri, şirkin onunla ortadan kalktığı, şefaati, peygamberler arasındaki üstünlüğü, yaşadığı kutsal mekânlar, O’na duyulan özlem, O’na, Ehli Beytine ve Ashabına salavât getirmenin önemi, O’nun günah ve hatadan kurtarıcı olması ve ümmeti olmanın ayrıcalığı konularına değinmiştir. (shrink)

: The corpus of fatwa named as Bostānu Shaqā’iq al-Nuʿmān, recorded in the Veliyuddin Efendi section under the number 1414 at Beyazıd State Library. It has been ignored so far. Because of its name, it may be thought that it is a part of Tashkoprulüzāde’s book Shaḳā’iḳ-i Nuʿmāniyya, but it is a nuqullu fatwa collection of Babakūshī ʿAbdurrahmān Efendi. In the famous Shaqā’iq appendix Atā’ī, which gives information about the biography of Abdurrahmān Efendi does not mention the book with this (...) name. Abdurrahman Efendi who was from a family in Plovdiv region worked in different positions in Istanbul and Edirne. Then, he was appointed as a mufti to Kefe, Crimea. He died in 983/1576. There is no information about his scholarly identity in ‛Aṭā‛ī except being the intern of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. In this essay, first of all, the place of Babakūshī in Ottoman Islamic Law tradition will be determined, and the features of the manuscripts and some notes on the postscript will be studied. In assessment section, especially because of the notes on the manuscripts, it has to be studied in terms of Islamic Law literature and its place should be figured out in fatwa literature. Summary: Nuqullu Fatwa collections that included citations were the books that were created for people to have access to the ruling on legal issues of scholars who were appointed as Muslim judges or muftis together with their sources and background. Although there are several studies in the literature about fatwa collections with citations Babakūshī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi's book titled Bostânu Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān was not included in the literature. ‛Aṭā‛ī provides information about the life of Babakūshī Abdurrahman Efendi. Atâ'î explains that he climbed the stairs with the help of Baba Efendi and joined the special group of people with aptitude at the level of apprenticeship. Then he raised also to the level of being the intern of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. Later, Babakūshī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān started to teach. He taught as a teacher for three years in Istanbul and then became the Mufti of Kefe replacing Molla Akmal al-Dīn. Molla Ekmeleddin, who was better known as Ekmel Efendi, just like ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi, was an apprentice of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi and would later be transferred to Cyprus after the island was conquered. According to Aṭā‛ī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi remained in that position which he was appointed as Ṣahn teacher until his death and died in Zilqāda 983/February 1576. The highest position that Babakūshī took among the religious scholars organization in the Ottoman Empire was being the Mufti of Kefe. As stated by ‛Aṭā‛ī, he was appointed as the Mufti of Kefe with the title of Ṣahn teacher. Instead of giving information about his teachers, ‛Aṭā‛ī mostly concentrated on Baba Efendi who was one of his relatives. Therefore we do not have information about his mentors/teachers. We can say that he belonged to the Ottoman school of scholars since he was an apprentice of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. The copy which is the subject matter of this study is registered as Veliyüddin Efendi with number 1414 at Bāyezıd State Library. According to our research, the copy which has 237 sheets is the only copy of the book. From the expressions of Babakūshī in the preface, it is concluded that the book was written close to his death. There are several notes written with different pens as footnotes of the book. Here, four of them which are considered to be more important will be identified.First: Notes written with the same pen as the main text. These are generally citations from books such as Tatarkhāniyye, Hidāya, ‛İnâya, Kashf al-Asrâr Sharḥu Manār.Second: are 'maṭlabs' i.e. important matters. Third: are relatively inelaborate notes. These were written by someone who we thought was not a copyist/calligrapher when compared with the general style of the book. Fourth: Warning notes which included some questions. These are generally in Turkish. The preface of the book, provides sufficient information about who the author was and the nature of the book. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi, with the intention of writing a collection, started to research taking into account imams' and shaykhs' nāsikh and mensūkh and he also considered sheikhs' explanations about what was definite and what needed caution and taqwa in practice. He recorded that this search lasted for 3 years and he referred especially to Fatāwa-yi Qādikhān and Fatāwa-yı Tatarkhāniyya within this period and additionally reviewed and studied Islamic Law books that he found in the Ottoman Empire. He described that he divided these into chapters and inserted subject matters in the footnotes. Then he described how he gave the title, Bostānu Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān to the book emphasizing especially bostan.This could be seen in the expression, Masīratan li'l-Qudāt. No reference was made to Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān in the title of the book. Probably he had his intentions due to the famous book titled Şeḳ' āiḳ-i Nuʿmaniye and his pupils). In the chapter which started with Fasl right after the preface the author said that fatwa would be issued based on the opinions of three imams, namely Abū Ḥanīfa, Abu Yūsuf and Imām Muhammed that their madhap was followed and their good morals were observed. Then, it was stated that the Mufti could issue fatwas according to the opinions of first, Abū Ḥanīfa, then Abu Yūsuf and finally Imam Muḥammed. It was also stated that if he could not find their opinions and had himself muctehid, he could give his ictihad. The Fatwa collection, Bostān, is an important work among the 16th century Ottoman books since it is an important scholar's book who had witnessed Islamic knowledge in the central Ottoman Empire and Crimean region. (shrink)

Comprehending the messages of Qurʾān in terms of the relationship between occasions (sīra) and revelation has a profound influence on determining the contextual purpose and shades of meanings. Establishing such relationship necessitates dating sūras and verses. Although there are some oral transmissions (riwāya) that verses 12, 45, 47 and 77 were revealed in Madīnah, and some weak transmissions date this sūra as Medinan, this sūra is unanimously regarded as Meccan. Like many Meccan verses, not only the order of revelation and (...) causality of verses but also the content of the script do not provide concrete evidence about whether the whole sūra was sent down at once or revealed piece by piece or the date of the revelation. In this regard, in studies carried out on the dating of Sūrat Yāsīn, the dating of this sūra is established on the basis of the dates of the sūras coming before or after Yāsīn since they apparently have more definite datings. In recent studies done on the nuzūl order, Sūrat Yāsīn is dated on the basis of a time frame before the emigration to Abyssinia (615-616) in terms of Sūrat Maryam and Ṭāhā, or Muhammed’s return from Ṭāif and his Ascension (Isrāʾ) (620) in terms of Sūrat al-Jinn. The dating of the sūra covers a time span of 4 to 5 years and points out two discrete occasions of revelation. With this reason, there is a need for further studies to be carried out on dating Qurʾānic sūras, especially within the specific context of Sūrat Yāsīn. Traditional Islamic studies dispute the chronological order of the sūra, offering various chronological orderings for the sūra: 31, 36, 37, 39, 40 and 41. In the first part of this study, such variations and their causes are tentatively established and determining the precise chronology and listing of the sūra was attempted. Based on the analysis of the variations in the disputed ordering of the sūra, it has been found to be caused by five different reasons. When such discrepancies are accounted for and conflicts are resolved, the conclusion was reached that in almost all riwāyas, sūrat Yāsīn can be dated as the 41st chapter (sūra). In the second part of the study, on the basis of the discourse analysis of the sūra, new arguments to date the chronology of the sūra were put forward. These are; a- Because of their obstinacy, unbelievers will not heed the warnings directed at them (36/11), b- The speeches of unbelievers should not grieve Prophet Muhammad (36/76), c- The use of the word Rahmān the Most Gracious (36/11, 15, 23, 52), d- In return for conveying the message of Allah, prophets do not ask people for any wage (36/21), e- Regarding Qurʾān as book of poetry and calling Muhammad a poet (36/69), f- The possibility of recreation and reviving bones (36/78). Such arguments presented in a – f usually refer to events happening in Mecca and in particular the second part or the end of Meccan period, yet there is no exact date. g- Based on the phrase “al-Fulq al-Mashhūn”, the fact that sūrat Yāsīn should be dated after the emigration to Abyssinia (615-616) presents strong evidence that it was revealed after sūrat Maryam, though this is still not enough to give an exact date. h- In sūrat Yāsīn, in phenomenon of (a man coming from the farthest part of the City) (36/20), two names (Hazrat Abū Bakr and el-Hāris b. Abī Hāla) and two dates (month of Dhu al-Qiʿdah/April 5 – May 4, 615 and three days after Shawwal 15/February 27, 617) are mentioned in Sīra for the purpose of consolation and encouragement. In the third part of the study, in the chronological ordering of sūrat Yāsīn, information regarding the dating of sūras coming before and after Yāsīn are evaluated based on their similarity with Yāsīn in terms of discourse and diction. In nuzūl orderings, when riwāyas regarding dating sūrat al-Qamar, Ṣād and al-Jinn coming before Maryam and Ṭāhā are analysed, events happening during 7th or 10th year after emigration were observed. In addition, there were close connections between the discourse and diction of Yāsīn with those of Ḥavāmīm sūras. This brings to the mind the possibility that some sūras might be listed in the wrong place because of the vagueness of the piecemeal character of the Qurʾānic revelation and its effects on riwāyas. Based upon the findings and inferences in the first three sections of this study, sūrat Yāsīn was determined to be the 41st chapter (sūra) of Qurʾān. The dating of sūrat Yāsīn presented some difficulties especially while trying to date it according to the interrupted revelation order approach, and considering it together with Sūrat Maryam and Ṭāhā. However, listing sūrat Yāsīn on the basis of uninterrupted revelation order along with Sūrat al-Jinn, the previous sūra and Ḥāmīm sūras is found to be a more coherent strategy since it gives priority to the succession of two sūras. (shrink)

Muʽtazilah is one of the kalām schools in which intellectual freedom is seen the most and therefore divergences within the sect are the most common. Although al-usûl al-ḥamsa/five principles constitute the main framework on which Muʽtazilah has agreed, opposing ideas have emerged within the sect on the principles of ʽadl (divine justice) and al-manzilah bayna al-manzilatayn and on the issues of nature and imamah. As a matter of fact, Muʽtâzilī scholars wrote many refutations to each other on the disputed issues. (...) One of those who have opposing views within the Muʽtazilah is Muḥammad b. Shabīb al-Baṣrī (d. mid 3rd/9th century), who lived between the end of 2nd and the middle of the 3rd century of hijra. Ibn Shabīb is one of the students of Ibrāhīm Ibn Sayyār al-Naẓẓām (d. 231/845), who was one of the leading scholars of Muʽtazilah. He initially opposed the principle of al-manzilah bayna al-manzilatayn, while he was Muʽtezilî, and accepted the Murji’ah approach on this issue. However, after he accepted the idea of irjā’, he continued his loyalty to Muʽtazilah with regard to the principles of tawhīd (divine unity) and ʽadl. Ibn Shabīb, who had a theological assembly of his own and is respected by the people in Baṣra, was an important scholar who stands out with his comprehensive knowledge of religious and philosophical schools of his time. In the doxographical tradition, his adoption of Murjī’ ideas is generally emphasized, except that he has not been referred to much. However, when the sources of kalām are examined meticulously, it is understood that he influenced many Muslim theologians with his works and views and that he was a source for them regarding many topics. The most important reason for this is that he was one of the first scholars to defend the Islamic belief against various philosophical and religious movements. Naturally, this situation provided him with a wide knowledge of religious and philosophical trends. Considering the quotations made from him, it is understood that he recorded this accumulation in a doxographical work. Another remarkable feature of Ibn Shabīb is that he was one of the first scholars to write in the genre of Kitāb al-Tawhīd. It is possible to see both contextual and methodological effects of this work in the quotations and narratives of Al-Māturīdī's book with the same name. What makes him different is that he adopts Muʽtazilī and Murjī’ ideas at the same time and develops a unique discourse on the subjects of grave sins and waʽīd (divine warning). Although he was raised in a strong tradition of thought such as Muʽtazilah, his ability to oppose his sect and his teacher Al-Naẓẓām and also to develop a different definition of faith despite accepting the doctrine of irjā’, makes him stand out as an original and intellectual personality. His different definition of faith is important in that it represents a more moderate approach to the issue of takfīr. For, he drew an encompassing framework based on the Quran and the Sunnah regarding the definition of faith and the conditions of takfīr, thus, he tried to preserve the unity of Muslims. He did not consider the denial of controversial issues that are not explicitly included in the Quran and Sunnah as a reason for takfīr. With this attitude, Ibn Shabīb took an important approach in ensuring social peace and free thought. In this article, all the information contained in Muʽtazilī sources, and doxographical works related to the life, scientific personality and theological views of Ibn Shabīb are gathered and analyzed, and then his theological thought is reconstructed based on these data. From this point of view, identifications and evaluations have been made regarding the issues that make him different and unique in the history of Muslim thought. (shrink)

IX. yüzyılda Horasan bölgesinde ortaya çıkan Melâmiyye, XXI. yüzyıla kadar varlığını sürdürmüştür. Hamdûn el-Kassâr’ın (ö. 884) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Kassâriyye, Hacı Bayram-ı Velî’nin (ö. 1430) halifesi Ömer Dede Sikkînî’nin (ö. 1475) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Bayramîyye ve Muhammed Nûrü’l-Arabî’nin (ö. 1888) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Nûriyye olarak 3 dönemde incelenmektedir. Melâmîliğin bu devrelerine dair akademik düzeyde çalışmalar yapılmış olsa da mûsikî yönüne dair çalışmaların çok az olduğu görülmüştür. Bu çalışmanın evreni Nûriyye Melâmîleri, örneklemi ise Nûriyye Melâmîlerine dair mûsikî ile ilgili çalışmaları (...) kapsamaktadır. Çalışmada Nûriyye Melâmîlerinin edebi ve sanatsal yönü araştırılmış, literatür taraması aşamasında Melâmî tekke ve derneklerinde icra edilen ilahilere güfte olarak kaynaklık eden Melâmî Efendilerine ait divanlar incelenmiştir. Çalışmamızın amacı Melâmî divanlarında yer alan ve ilahi formunda bestelenmiş güfteleri tespit etmek ve bu ilahilerin yaygınlığını belirlemektir. Nitel araştırma yöntemi kullandığımız çalışmamızda birincil veri kaynaklarını; Melâmîler tarafından bizzat kaleme alınan divanlar ve yine Melâmî ihvanı ile yapılan görüşmeler oluşturmaktadır. İkincil veri kaynaklarımız ise Melâmîlik hakkında yazılan tasavvuf kitapları, makaleler ve Melâmî derneklerinin resmi sayfalarında yer alan mevcut bilgilerdir. Tespit edilen divanlardaki bestelenmiş ilahiler için ise Melâmî Divanları, Devlet Nota Arşivi, Cüneyd Kosal Nota Arşivi, Divan Makam ve Notam v1.0 (Aytaç ERGEN) programı üzerinden taranmış, eşleşen ilahiler çalışmamıza dâhil edilmiştir. Nûriyye Melâmîlerine ait 14 adet divan incelenmiştir. Bu divanlar Abdurrahîm Fedâî, Ali Örfî, Ömer Lütfî, İştipli Hacı Salih Rıf’at, Abdulmâlik Hilmî, Hulûsi Maksud, Hüseyin Şemsi Ergüneş, Hasan Fehmi Tezdoğan, Üsküplü İsmail Hakkı, Hafız Ahmet Fethî, Hüseyin Sabri Soyyiğit, Ahmet Soyyiğit, Yaşar İhsan Gülver ve Dâvud Yılmaz’a ait divanın arasından 8 tanesinde yer alan 97 adet ilahinin notaya alındığı tespit edilmiştir. Verilerin değerlendirilmesi aşamasında; yapılan bu bestelerin hem Melâmî tekke ve meclislerinde hem de tekke dışında icra edildiği, bu bağlamda Nûriyye Melâmîlerinin edebi ve sanatsal yönünün tekke dışında da etkin olduğu görülmüştür. Araştırmanın sonucunda Abdurrahîm Fedâî Divanında yer alan 1’i nefes, 1’i deyiş (bu nefes ve deyişler ilahi formu altında listelenmiştir), 12’i ilahi olmak üzere toplam 14, Ömer Lütfî Divanında yer alan 1, Salih Rıf’at Divanında yer alan 2, Hasan Fehmi Tezdoğan Divanında yer alan 20, Üsküplü İsmail Hakkı’ya ait olduğunu tespit ettiğimiz 1, Ahmet Fethi Divanında yer alan 26, Ahmet Soyyiğit Divanındaki 21, Dâvud Yılmaz Divanındaki 12, toplamda 97 eserin ilahi formunda farklı bestekârlar tarafından bestelendiği tespit edilmiştir. (shrink)

This sixth volume of Collected Papers includes 74 papers comprising 974 pages on (theoretic and applied) neutrosophics, written between 2015-2021 by the author alone or in collaboration with the following 121 co-authors from 19 countries: Mohamed Abdel-Basset, Abdel Nasser H. Zaied, Abduallah Gamal, Amir Abdullah, Firoz Ahmad, Nadeem Ahmad, Ahmad Yusuf Adhami, Ahmed Aboelfetouh, Ahmed Mostafa Khalil, Shariful Alam, W. Alharbi, Ali Hassan, Mumtaz Ali, Amira S. Ashour, Asmaa Atef, Assia Bakali, Ayoub Bahnasse, A. A. Azzam, Willem K.M. Brauers, Bui (...) Cong Cuong, Fausto Cavallaro, Ahmet Çevik, Robby I. Chandra, Kalaivani Chandran, Victor Chang, Chang Su Kim, Jyotir Moy Chatterjee, Victor Christianto, Chunxin Bo, Mihaela Colhon, Shyamal Dalapati, Arindam Dey, Dunqian Cao, Fahad Alsharari, Faruk Karaaslan, Aleksandra Fedajev, Daniela Gîfu, Hina Gulzar, Haitham A. El-Ghareeb, Masooma Raza Hashmi, Hewayda El-Ghawalby, Hoang Viet Long, Le Hoang Son, F. Nirmala Irudayam, Branislav Ivanov, S. Jafari, Jeong Gon Lee, Milena Jevtić, Sudan Jha, Junhui Kim, Ilanthenral Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy, Darjan Karabašević, Songül Karabatak, Abdullah Kargın, M. Karthika, Ieva Meidute-Kavaliauskiene, Madad Khan, Majid Khan, Manju Khari, Kifayat Ullah, K. Kishore, Kul Hur, Santanu Kumar Patro, Prem Kumar Singh, Raghvendra Kumar, Tapan Kumar Roy, Malayalan Lathamaheswari, Luu Quoc Dat, T. Madhumathi, Tahir Mahmood, Mladjan Maksimovic, Gunasekaran Manogaran, Nivetha Martin, M. Kasi Mayan, Mai Mohamed, Mohamed Talea, Muhammad Akram, Muhammad Gulistan, Raja Muhammad Hashim, Muhammad Riaz, Muhammad Saeed, Rana Muhammad Zulqarnain, Nada A. Nabeeh, Deivanayagampillai Nagarajan, Xenia Negrea, Nguyen Xuan Thao, Jagan M. Obbineni, Angelo de Oliveira, M. Parimala, Gabrijela Popovic, Ishaani Priyadarshini, Yaser Saber, Mehmet Șahin, Said Broumi, A. A. Salama, M. Saleh, Ganeshsree Selvachandran, Dönüș Șengür, Shio Gai Quek, Songtao Shao, Dragiša Stanujkić, Surapati Pramanik, Swathi Sundari Sundaramoorthy, Mirela Teodorescu, Selçuk Topal, Muhammed Turhan, Alptekin Ulutaș, Luige Vlădăreanu, Victor Vlădăreanu, Ştefan Vlăduţescu, Dan Valeriu Voinea, Volkan Duran, Navneet Yadav, Yanhui Guo, Naveed Yaqoob, Yongquan Zhou, Young Bae Jun, Xiaohong Zhang, Xiao Long Xin, Edmundas Kazimieras Zavadskas. (shrink)

Günümüze kadar süregelen bir mezhep olarak Zeydiliğin Yemen bölgesinde geçirdiği süreçlerden birisi de 16. yy.’da imametini ilan eden Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed ile başlayan ve Cumhuriyetin ilanına kadar iktidarın soyundan gelenlerin devam ettirdiği dönem bulunmaktadır. Ancak Kâsımîler dönemi olarak bilinen bu sürece dair literatürde yeterli bilgi bulunmamaktadır. Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed’in akaid, fıkıh, usul gibi alanlarda kıymetli eserlerinin yanı sıra kaleme aldığı ufak bir risalesi de bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada ise Kâsımî Hanedanlığının kurucusu olarak bilinen Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. (...) class='Hi'>Muhammed’in oğlu Müeyyed-Billâh Muhammed b. Kâsım için kaleme aldığı vasiyet metninin literatüre kazandırılması amaçlanmaktadır. (shrink)

Sartre’s phenomenology of the image in L’Imaginaire includes analytical distinctions between the mind’s comportments towards perceptual objects, images, and signs, which he refers to as different forms of consciousness. Sartre denies any possible convergence between imaging and sign consciousness, arguing that there are essential differences in the way they relate to the notions of resemblance, positionality, and affect. This essay argues against his phenomenological distinctions by stressing the continuity of imaging with sign consciousness: between images and words. In particular, it (...) argues that his understanding of the sign as affectless is questionable and that there is no reason to believe that images and signs cannot elicit similar affects or perform the same functions. Consequently, it is possible to interpret Sartre’s physical images or “analoga” as pictorial signs: his phenomenological descriptions of physical images may indeed be recast in the language of the sign and reformulated as acts of consciousness that involve pictorial signs. (shrink)

Organizational cronyism refers to favoring some employees within an organization based on non-performance-related factors. Although it is highly likely to encounter many attitudes and behaviors meeting this description within public and private institutions, there are limited studies on this issue. Thus, the purpose of this study is to develop a valid and reliable scale to assess the perception of cronyism among organizational members. To this end, an item pool was formed based on current literature as well the views of teachers (...) and expert recommendations. The validity–reliability of the scale was tested via two sample groups. As a result of the study, a scale with 3 dimensions and 15 items as well as psychometric qualities was developed to assess employee perceptions of cronyism. The scale dimensions comprise: in-group bias, paternal cronyism, and reciprocal exchange of favor in accordance with the way the method was addressed in the literature. The analyses of nomological validity of the scale showed that perception of cronyism is an important predictor of trust in managers. (shrink)

Kant metafiziğin temel meseleleri olan Tanrı, ruh ve özgürlük gibi ideaların bilgisi ya da varlığı tartışmalarının bir çözüme kavuşması gerektiğini düşünür. Ona gelene kadar sorunun çözülmemesinin sebebi olarak da metafiziksel bilgiye kaynaklık eden felsefi bilginin matematikten temelde farklı olduğunun ortaya konulamamasını göstermektedir. Kant daha önceki filozoflardan farklı olarak matematiğin temellendiği önerme türünü sentetik apriori olduğunu iddia eder. Bu nedenle de, matematiksel önermelerin felsefi bilginin temellendiği analitik önermelerden yapı itibariyle farklı olduğunu düşünür. Kant ideaların teorik olarak ortaya konulamayacağını gösterdikten sonra bunların (...) pratik alanda en yüksek iyinin gerçekleşmesinin nedenleri olarak varsayılması gerektiğini ortaya koymuştur. O, bu ideaların geçerli olduğu alanın pratik alan olduğunu göstermekle metafiziği bir yönteme kavuşturduğunu ve böylece aklın önüne geçilemez yönelimin sonucunda içine düştüğü yanılsamalardan kurtulduğunu düşünür. Bu çalışmamızda Kant’ın ideaların varlığına dair ortaya koyduğu metafiziksel yöntemin ne olduğu ve Kant’ın daha önceki filozofların yanılsamaya düşmesine sebep olarak gördüğü felsefi bilgi ile matematiksel bilgi arasındaki farklılıkların ne olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

Every science examines the personal accidents of the subject, which it determines as its subject, and the sciences differ from each other in this aspect. However, sciences offer the principles that they prove themselves through the use of other sciences. Sciences take and use the principles of other sciences that they will need, but they do not have to prove these principles in themselves. On the contrary, they entrust this proof to the sciences from which they took their principles. While (...) examining the sources of fiqh and the method of making judgments from these sources, the method of fiqh uses the principles set forth in other sciences in the problems it encounters. One of the sciences in which the method of fiqh takes principles is kalām. Actually, the science of kalām provides principles to all other sciences with the conception of God and the world it reveals. One of these principles is the indeterminist understanding of the world, in other words, the theory of ʽādah (custom). The theory of custom, produced in the tradition of Ahl al-Sunnah Kalām, is a theory that cancels causality and makes all effects in the world peculiar to Allah. According to this theory, Allah operates the universe according to the laws of physics, which are named custom. However, this theory makes it possible for Allah, if He wills, to do extraordinary acts that are described as humanly extraordinary. Since the Fiqh and its Methodology, which is assisted by the science of kalām, is a science that is expected to judge according to the apparent, it seems to be contrary to his identity to make judgments by using the possibilities of the theory of custom. However, like the situation of a person who becomes a Muslim at the last moment of prayer, sometimes things get so tight that it becomes very difficult to judge according to outward appearance. Well, did the methodists look at the outward appearance and decide that this person is not responsible for the prayer of the aforementioned time, or did they come to a different conclusion by using the possibilities of the theory of custom. (shrink)

İbn Hacer’in Nuhbetü’l-Fiker ’i ve onun şerhi olan Nüzhetü’n-Nazar ’ının, kendisinden sonra yazılan hadis usûlü eserlerine kaynaklık etmesi ve onları etkilemesi açısından usûl tarihinde önemli bir yeri vardır. Nitekim mezkûr eserler üzerine yapılan şerh ve hâşiye çalışmalarının çokluğu bu önemi ortaya koymaktadır. Fıkıh ve hadis başta olmak üzere çeşitli ilim dallarında 100’ün üzerinde eser kaleme alan ve aynı zamanda İbn Hacer’in de talebelerinden olan Kasım b. Kutluboğa da bahsedilen eser üzerine çalışma yapan âlimlerden biridir. İbn Kutluboğa, hocası İbn Hacer’i birçok (...) yönden eleştirmiş ve çeşitli katkılarda bulunmuştur. Bu makalede İbn Kutluboğa’nın Nüzhetü’n-Nazar üzerine yazdığı Hâşiyetü İbn Kutluboğa adlı eserindeki itirazlar bağlamında kısaca red/itiraz kültüründen bahsedilerek örnekler ortaya konulacak ve mezkûr itirazlar esere hâşiye yazan ilgili bazı âlimlerin görüşleri çerçevesinde değerlendirilecektir. Ele alınan itirazlardan da anlaşılacağı üzere İbn Kutluboğa’nın polemik türü ve muhatabını ilzam edici itirazlarının neredeyse olmadığı ve yönelttiği kimi eleştirilerinde hadis usûlünde bilinen kurallardan farklı görüşler ortaya koyduğu tespit edilmiştir. Ayrıca İbn Kutluboğa’nın öne sürdüğü her itirazında isabetli yorumlar ortaya koymadığını da söylemek mümkündür. (shrink)

The concepts of “Islamic Fundamentalism” and “Islamic Terrorism” are the usual suspects in the present political reality and discourse. After the tragic events in New York, Madrid, Istanbul, and London, one has every reason to think that Islam is somehow a part of the problem. But in terms of the issues that we currently face, we must be careful to distinguish between understanding and the creation of scapegoats. There is no doubt that a terrorist act is unjustifiable, and it must (...) be categorically condemned in every situation. We must resolutely fight against any claim to the contrary. Even so, the…. (shrink)

Câhiliye döneminde şair ve hatipler tarafından bir meleke olarak kullanılan belagat, geçirdiği hazırlık ve gelişim döneminin ardından ilmî teşekkülünü tamamlayarak Arap dil ilimlerinde müstakil bir dal haline gelmiştir. Ebû Ya‘kûb es-Sekkâkî (öl. 626/1229) öncülüğünde “meânî-beyân-bedî‘” olarak üç başlık altında ele alınmaya başlanan belagat konularının bedî‘ kısmına, Sekkâkî sonrası şerh ve hâşiye dönemi müellifleri tarafından yeni sanatlar eklenmiştir. Bu sanatlardan birisi de tarif ve tesmiyesi Sa‘duddîn et-Teftâzânî’ye (öl. 792/1390) ait olan tecâzüb sanatıdır. Farklı pek çok disiplinde ilmî ve edebî bir terim (...) olarak yer alan bu sanatın etkin kullanım alanlarından birisi de fıkıh ilmidir. Fıkıh sahasında bu sanattan istifade eden âlimlerden birisi Şemsuddîn Muhammed el-Kuhistânî’dir (öl. 962/1555). Kuhistânî Câmi‘u’r-rumûz adlı eserinde öşrün vücûbiyeti ve şart muhayyerliği konularını izah etmek üzere tecâzüb sanatına başvurmaktadır. Ne var ki Kuhistânî’nin kullandığı tecâzüb ifadesi ilim dünyasında anlaşılamayıp muğlak ifadeler olarak kalınca bu ifadelerden kastın ne olduğunu açıklayan bazı risâleler kaleme alınmıştır. Bunlardan birisi de ‘Abdulganî en-Nâblusî’nin çalışmamıza esas olan en-Nesîmu’r-rebî‘î fi’t-tecâzübi’l-bedî‘î adlı risâlesidir. Nâblusî’nin bu risâleyi kaleme almasının ana nedeni, kendisinden önce Kuhistânî’ye ait ifadeleri açıklamak gayesiyle Esne’l-metâlib fî beyâni ma‘ne’t-tecâzüb adında muhtasar bir risâle kaleme alan Seyyid Ahmed el-Hamevî’ye (öl. 1098/1687) reddiye yapmaktır. Nâblusî, Hamevî’ye ait bu risâleyi görmüş ve onun tespitlerinden bazılarını hatalı bulduğunu belirterek reddiye mahiyetinde mezkûr risâlesini kaleme almıştır. Hamevî’nin açıklamalarına ciddi eleştiriler getiren Nâblusî, öşrün vücûbiyeti ve şart muhayyerliği hususlarındaki Kuhistânî’ye ait ifadeleri tecâzüb sanatı açısından yeniden açıklama yoluna gitmiş ve bu konularda Hamevî’ye ait toplamda altı görüşe deliller getirmek suretiyle reddiye yapmıştır. Nâblusî’nin bu risâlesi; zengin kaynak kullanımı, yalın ifade üslûbu ve açıklayıcı örneklerle öne çıkmakta, tecâzüb sanatına dair kapsamlı bilgiler ihtiva etmektedir. Bu araştırma ile ilk olarak tecâzüb kavramı Teftâzânî üzerinden açıklanmış; ardından Nâblusî’nin mezkûr risâlesi, reddiye yaptığı Hamevî’ye ait risâleyle mukabele edilmek suretiyle detaylı olarak analiz edilmiştir. Bu noktada ilk olarak tartışmaya esas olan Kuhistânî’ye ait ifade verilmiş, ardından Hamevî’nin konuya dair açıklaması zikredilmiş, son olarak da Nâblusî’nin reddiyesine yer verilmiştir. Çalışmanın son bölümünde ise Nâblusî’ye ait risâlenin tahkikli metni yer almaktadır. (shrink)

The political scientist and former Bavarian Minister of Culture Hans Maier has created a historically profound, theologically educated, literarily and musically highly sensitive, politically mature body of work, with which he has inscribed himself in the (intellectual) history of the Federal Republic. This book is the first to contain contributions by renowned scholars and politicians on the rich work and impact of the Catholic scholar and politician Hans Maier. It thematises and appreciates in detail his view of German history and (...) the traditions of political thought, his critique of political language, political theology, totalitarianism and political religions, but also his contributions on Catholicism and modernity, his writings on literature and music, and finally his influence as an academic teacher, public intellectual and politician. With contributions by Udo Bermbach, Thomas Brose, Ahmet Cavuldak, Horst Dreier, Hermann-Josef Große Kracht, Jens Hacke, Oliver Hidalgo, Hans Günter Hockerts, Patrick Horst, Horst Möller, Heinrich Oberreuter, Henning Ottmann, Mark Edward Ruff, Hans Otto Seitschek, Michael Stolleis, Bernhard Vogel, Peter Graf von Kielmansegg, Theo Waigel and Markus Zimmermann. (shrink)

One of the new and interesting topics of the economic literature is middleincome trap. Middle-income trap can be generally defined as middle-income countries showing a slow growth performance, jamming at a certain level of income and can not pass to high income groups. The aim of this study is to investigate whether the E7 (Emerging 7) countries, which have an important place among the developing countries, are in middle-income trap. In this context, Robertson and Ye (2013) approach has been taken (...) into consideration. Empirical analyzes were performed using single and two structural breaks unit root tests. As a result of the analysis, evidence has been obtained that Indonesia, Mexico and Russia that member of E-7 groups, are in the middle-income trap. Brazil, China, India and Turkey are not generally in the middle-income trap. (shrink)

It is stated in the Qur'an that there will be punishments and rewards for the deeds done. In addition, some details about the punishments and rewards to be given are given. While talking about punishment and reward, another issue that the Qur'an mentions is the issue of doubling of deeds. When the Qur'an is examined, two, ten, and seven hundred numbers are encountered as the coefficients for good deeds. As the coefficient that bad deeds will be doubled, either a solid (...) or a double expression is encountered. In our study, we will try to determine the reasons for using the expression tenfold, how it is interpreted that a good deed is rewarded tenfold, and the place of tenfold reward in the interpretation of the verses about giving the reward of a good deed. In addition to these, we will touch on the differences in interpretation that have emerged about the interpretation of this verse. The claim that it would be unjust to connect the subject with the subject of ru’yatullah and to give an absolute tenfold reward for each deed gives a different dimension to the difference in interpretation. In other words, there are conflicts that can be considered as a richness of interpretation, and there is a conflict in which theological principles are decisive. The fact that the issue of giving tenfold reward is handled in the context of between justice and the distinction sawāb-lutf shows that the theological paradigm difference is decisive in this conflict. In our study, we will deal with the issue that good deeds will be rewarded tenfold, both in terms of nature and problematic. The problematic aspect of this issue is which part of the tenfold reward is deserved and which part is the grace of God, and the difference in the nature of these two. In addition, the question of whether the additional rewards that will be given to the servants can be interpreted as seeing Allah instead of tenfold reward is the problematic aspect of our study. (shrink)

Mushkil al-Qur’ān is a science of the Qur’ān in which the verses that are considered contradictory at first glance and what ways/methods are used in reconciling them. From the point of view of a commentator or even a believer, the ishkal (contradiction) cannot be attributed to the Qur’ān proper, and the supposed contradictions between verses do not appear in the Qur’ān but the mind of the subject. Therefore, in this science, it can be seen that both the recognition of contradictions (...) and the elimination of contradictions are related to the interpretive context of the tafsīr methodology. This science has emerged on a dynamic ground and has a characteristic feature that determines the interpreter’s ability to interpret. The aspect of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān that distinguishes it from other Qurʾānic Sciences relates to the practical dimension of the tafsīr rather than general determinations and statistical information about the Qur’ān. For this reason, the scope of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān may change depending on the time, culture, perspective of the commentator, knowledge, and school preferences. The fact that disciplines define the concept of mushkil in different ways, and the change in the scope of the subject in the independent works written in the early period and the Qurʾānic Sciences literature written after al-Zarkashī requires a terminological-chronological-methodological analysis of the nature and content of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān scholarship. With its pre-Zarkashī structure, Mushkil al-Qur’ān science differs from its structure that emerged in the later period, both in terms of its target audience and its content. If we look at the works of names such as Ibn Qutaybah, it becomes clear that this science is mandated to cater to the religionless. However, especially with the scope and methods in which it has been dealt with in the recent period, the Mushkil al-Qur’ān is based on the internal dynamics of the shari'a sciences. Therefore, it can be said that al-Zarkashī defined the science of Mushkil al-Qur’ān, which had a comprehensive content in the early period, with a different name and a narrowing of its content as a field fed by the internal dynamics of the tafsīr, and that this science acquired a unified form after al-Suyūṭī. This process brought about some changes in the subject matter and content of the science of the Mushkil al-Qur'ān. For the Mushkil al-Qur’ān, which in the early days had the purpose of answering the doubts and objections of the deniers of the Qur’ān, developed after al-Zarkashī into a field mainly concerned with removing the difficulties of understanding. Within this framework, the methods and classifications presented in this science with the structure defined by al-Zarkashī are the products of the effort to make sense of the Word of God. The systematization of this effort to make sense under the umbrella of shāri‘ sciences in a terminological and theoretical framework opens the science of Mushkil al-Qur'ān to the fields of kalam and fiqh/method. In the works written on Mushkil al-Qur’ān and in the literature on fiqh, the reasons for the contradictions between the verses and the ways to eliminate them are given. What these ways depend on the context in which the contradiction is dealt with. Those who treat the contradiction in a way that includes the ambiguities in the words while eliminating these ambiguities resort to other pieces of evidence such as narratives, style of expression/context, truth metaphor, reason, analogy, and custom. In case of an apparent contradiction, methods like cem‘ (gathering), preference, naskh, renunciation are used. Despite the differences in the school’s preferences as to which of these methods was used first in the classical period, there is almost a consensus as to the ways followed in eliminating contradictions between verses. In the modern period, some scholars claim that one of these methods, abrogation, is directly related to the Mushkil al-Qur’ān, and they explain that naskh is applied when the contradictions between the verses cannot be interpreted. This assertion, made in modern times, that naskh is a method that scholars resort to when they cannot remove the impression of contradictions between verses, is closely related to the definition, essence, and content of the Mushkil al-Qur’ān. In this context, it is crucial where the ways/methods used to follow the nature-content pendulum while eliminating the counterparts of the terms and the impressions of contradiction. This is because the acceptance of naskh as a contradiction solution stems from the fact that it is one of the ways to prove that there is no contradiction in the Qur’ān from the perspective of fiqh, and naskh means that two contradictory provisions were valid at different times. The contradiction arises when it is claimed that these two provisions are valid at the same time. (shrink)

The epistemic basic structure of a society consists of those institutions that have the greatest impact on individuals’ opportunity to obtain knowledge on questions they have an interest in as citizens, individuals, and public officials. It plays a central role in the production and dissemination of knowledge and in ensuring that people have the capability to assimilate this knowledge. It includes institutions of science and education, the media, search engines, libraries, museums, think tanks, and various government agencies. This article identifies (...) two demands of justice that apply specifically to the institutions that belong to it. First, the epistemic basic structure should serve all citizens fairly and reliably. It should provide them with the opportunity to acquire knowledge they need for their deliberations about the common good, their individual good, and how to pursue them. Second, the epistemic basic structure should produce and disseminate the knowledge that various experts and public officials need to successfully pursue justice and citizens need to effectively exercise their rights. After arguing for these duties, I discuss what policies follow from them and respond to the worry that these duties have illiberal implications. (shrink)

Ockhamlı William’dan bu yana çeşitli biçim alışlarla karşımıza çıkan dilde sadeleşme hareketi, 20. Yüzyılda analitik dil felsefesinin kurucuları tarafından farklı bir boyuta taşınmış, mantıksal pozitivizmde ise zirveye ulaşmıştır. Doğa bilimsel yöntemlerin etkisiyle şekillenen ve modern mantık alanında yapılan özgün ve nitelikli çalışmaların etkisiyle yetkinleşen bu anlayış, felsefenin metafizik problemlerini dil bağlamında ele almaktadır. Bu görüşün savunucuları, getirmiş oldukları bir dizi ölçüt aracılığıyla anlamlı olan ve olmayan ifadeler arasında ayrım yapmayı hedeflemişlerdir. Felsefi gelenekteki çözümsüz görünen “anlamsız” metafizik tartışmaları “elimine etmeyi” amaçlayan (...) bu hareketin vardığı son noktada, olgusal bir karşılığı bulunmayan ve mantıksal sözdizimi kurallarına uymayan her ifade, metafiziğin kalıntısı olmakla itham edilmektedir. Adorno ve Horkheimer’a göre spekülatif felsefeye yönelik gerçekleştirilen bu saldırı, Aydınlanma’nın dili mitostan arındırma çabalarının doruk noktasıdır. Onlara göre analitik dil felsefesinin olgucu filozoflarının felsefelerinde dilin anlam taşımasına müsaade edilmemekte ve yalnızca gösterge işlevi dikkate alınmaktadır. Dil, bir formül olarak katılaşarak soyutlaşmakta ve formüle uymayan her düşünce solup gitmektedir. Bu anlayış, spekülatif felsefe geleneğindeki felsefi sistemlerin unsurları olan etik, estetik, yaşamın anlamı gibi konuların felsefeden tasfiye edilmesine yol açmıştır. Adorno ve Horkheimer’a göre varlık alanındaki niteliksel farklılıkların göz ardı edilmesi, insanın şeyleşmesi ve kendi özüne yabancılaşmasına sebep olmuş, bireyin gizilgüçlerini kaybettiği bu ortamda toplumsal dönüşümün imkanı da ortadan kalkmıştır. (shrink)

Kur’ân’ın yedi harf üzere indirildiğine dair pek çok hadis bulunmaktadır. Konuyla ilgili sahih hadislerde yedi harfin, Kur’ân’ın okunuşuyla ilgili bir olgu olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak söz konusu hadislerde yedi harfin mahiyetine dair açık bir bilgi yer almadığından bundan maksadın ne olduğu ile ilgili çok fazla görüş ortaya atılmıştır. Zayıf hadislere dayanan birçok görüşe göre yedi harf, Kur’ân’ın okunuşundan ziyade içeriğiyle ilgili bir kavramdır. Kaynaklarda sahiplerine nispet edilmeden aktarılan bu yöndeki görüşler kıraat alanında uzman âlimler tarafından ya zayıf görüşler olarak kabul edilmiş (...) ya da bütünüyle reddedilmiştir. Kuvvetli görüşler arasında ise şu üç görüş diğerlerine nazaran daha çok benimsenmiştir: 1. Kur’ân lafızlarının farklı lehçelere göre okunması 2. Kur’ân lafızlarının eş anlamlı kelimelerle okunması 3. Kur’ân lafızlarının farklı vecihlerle okunması. Kıraat alanında temayüz etmiş bilginler tarafından tercih edilen bu görüşler de ikna edici olmaktan uzaktır. Zira bu görüşlerin hepsinde şâz kıraatler de yedi harfin içeriğine dâhil edildiğinden yedi harfin kısmen de olsa neshedildiği iddia edilmiştir. Ancak Hz. Peygamber’in açık beyanına dayanmadan yedi harfin bir kısmının neshedildiğini iddia etmek mümkün değildir. Son arzada ya da Hz. Osman döneminde yedi harfin neshedildiğini ileri sürmek de zan ve tahminden öteye geçmemektedir. İşte bu çalışmada ilgili görüşler tahlil edilerek sahih olmayan kıraatlerin yedi harfin kapsamına alınamayacağı ve yedi harfin sahih kıraatten farklı bir olgu olamayacağı, böylece kısmen de olsa neshedilemeyeceği ortaya konacaktır. (shrink)

Since 2012-2013 academic years, elective courses have been added to the weekly course schedules. Within the religion, morality/ ethic and values group in the elective courses, Hz. Muhammad's Life, Koran and Basic Religious Knowledge (I-II) coursesare also included. This research was conducted on 413 students in five different schools affiliated to Kırıkkale Provincial Directorate of National Education in the academic year of 2017-2018 that is aiming to determine students' evaluations on subjects in the context of the course contents, textbooks and (...) teacher competences of elective religious courses. In this study, survey model and questionnaire technique were used in the study. According to the results of the research; Students who choose elective religion courses learn accurate information about religion. The sub subjects/ contents in elective religion course are given daily necessities of the students. There isn’t the effect of the friends on students’ choice of these classes. Also, there isn’t the effect of the headmaster and guidance teachers on students’ choice of these classes. But, there is also the effect of the parents on students’ choice of these classes. Elective religious lesson books are not prepared well. The textbook in elective courses doesn’t include enough activities / exercises. But the textbooks in elective religion courses have got enough pictures, photographs and tables. Training materials are not used in the courses. The teachers of these courses are adequate that is thought by the students. But on the other hand, it has been determined that the classes are crowded in the Qur'an courses so that there is not enough time left for the students. (shrink)

Değer felsefesindeki önemli ayrımlardan birisi özsel değer ve araçsal değer ayrımıdır. Bu ayrıma göre bazı şeyler dışsal ilişkilerinden bağımsız şekilde, kendi doğası itibariyle, özsel şekilde değerli iken bazı şeyler, böyle olmayıp ancak özsel şekilde değerli olan başka bir şeye araç olması itibariyle değerlidir. Bu ayrım üzerinden ilerlediğimiz zaman önümüze çıkan temel sorulardan birisi hangi şeylerin özsel şekilde değerli olduğu sorusudur. Hedonizm bu soruya sadece hazzın özsel şekilde değerli olduğu ve haz dışındaki her şeyin sadece hazza götürmesi veya haz vermesi sayesinde, (...) araçsal olarak değerli olduğu cevabını verir. Fakat hedonizmin bu temel iddiası yeteri kadar temellendirilmiş midir? Bu temel tez lehinde yeteri kadar sağlam veya güçlü argümanlar var mıdır? Yine bu temel tez aleyhinde sağlam veya güçlü argümanlar var mıdır? Bu çalışmada bu sorulara cevap bulmaya çalıştık. Daha spesifik olarak da çalışmamızda, hedonizmin lehinde sunulan yaygın argümanların yeteri kadar güçlü olmadığını, genelde, yaygın olarak başvurulan argümanların öncüllerinin doğruluğunun yeteri kadar açık veya temellendirilmiş olmamasından hareketle göstermeye çalıştık. Diğer yandan hedonizmin aleyhindeki, onun tutarsızlığına veya temel tezinin makul olmadığına işaret eden karşı argümanları sunduk. Böylece hedonizmin lehindeki argümanların yetersiz olduğu ve onun aleyhinde çok sayıda ikna edici argümanın bulunduğu gerekçelerinden hareketle hedonizmin felsefi açıdan temellendirilmiş, sağlam bir yaklaşım olmadığını savunmaya çalıştık. (shrink)

Despite the hadiths and narratives that warn about the interpretation of the Qur’ān by opinion, the question of how Qur’ānic verses can be understood is about the nature of Qur’ānic exegesis. These narratives, which limit the interpretation to the exact field and indicate the invalidity of the specification of the intention with the imprecise information, bring with it the question of how to understand the Qur’ān in each period and society. The issue that has been questioned in the frame of (...) the commentary from the earliest periods is based on the possibility of commenting besides the narration and defining the area that the thought belongs to the commentator. In this context, it is seen that the distinction between the conceptualization of tafsīr-taʾwīl words in classical commentary literature deals with the subject of the tafsīr, their belongings, epistemological values and contexts. Mainly, this study will question whether authors who do not distinguish between tafsīr-taʾwīl categorize the information about commentary in a different context, then it will analyze two basic approaches on tafsīr and taʾwīl. In the paper, it will be suggested that these classifications in the classical literature should be evaluated together within the framework of the search for methodology in exegesis. Summary: The Prophet, who was the first glossator of the Qur’ān, forbade people to talk about the Qur’ān with their own judgments. The prominent people of the companions refused to comment on some words that were closed in meaning (garīb). The words quoted from Abū Bakr and ʿUmar on this subject are quite famous. However, the Qur’ān is a universal book revealed to be understood in all ages and geographies till the doomsday. The fact that all the verses were not interpreted by the Prophet, and the expansions of meaning observed in the Qur’ān wording necessitate the interpretation of the Qur’ān. The fact that the Prophet forbade people to talk with their own judgments about the Qur’ān and the necessity of understanding the Qur’ān in every era constitutes a dilemma that must be explained. The resolution of this issue will both determine the legitimacy of tafsīr (interpretation) and reveal the difference between the Prophet's tafsīr and the tafsīrs by other people. In this context, a distinction was made between the interpretations of the Prophet and of the companions who witnessed the revelation period from the Tabarī (d. 310/923) in the classical tafsīr literature and the interpretations by glossators in terms of their bindingness and information values. Thus, before even starting the interpretation, glossators questioned the possibility of interpretation of the Qur’ān without the tafsīr of the Prophet and the narratives from the companions that have the force of hadith marfūʿ.It is seen in classical tafsīr literature that distinctions between the tafsīr of the Prophet and the interpretations of the glossator are usually constructed on the terms of tafsīr and ta'wil, to which terminological meanings are attributed. In this regard, the methodology of Māturīdī (d. 333/944) is quite specific and clear. According to Māturīdī, tafsīr is an exact field. Only the tafsīr of the Prophet and the narratives of the companions that have the force of marfūʿ can be included in this field. Taʾwīl, on the other hand, is an area based on supposing. Preferences to be made from possible meanings are supposition and related to taʾwīl. The fact that Māturīdī included the explanations of the Prophet and his companions in the tafsīr field and stated that they expressed exact information shows that he regarded this information in the value of the statement of mutakallim. The data included in the field of taʾwīl are not as the data included in the field of tafsīr in terms of their bindingness and information value. The interpretations made in the field of taʾwīl include supposition; so they cannot be attributed to the desire of God. The field that the Prophet forbade people from declaring their own views is the field of tafsīr in the methodology of Māturīdī. The exactness of this field is an indication that the tafsīr is related to God's desire. It is not right to declare an opinion with supposition in the field that is exact and definite. Even though the interpretation in the field of tafsīr is in accordance with the truth, this cannot eliminate the responsibility of the interpreter that make determinations based on supposition in the exact and definite field. Some scholars, such as Qushayrī (d. 465/1072), also classify the narrative-sagacity areas by means of tafsīr-taʾwīl concepts. This classification deals with the data that is the subject of tafsīr in terms of their belongingness. Indeed, tafsīr science includes both the data that are linked with transmission and non-transmittable elements that can be achieved by following a methodology. Non-transmittable elements included in the taʾwīl field by those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity are the meanings reached through linguistic efforts. Language is an element that holds possibilities in itself. Considering closeness of meaning, multi-meanings, metaphors and allusions in the wording, it can be thought that the meanings reached by linguistic methods include supposition. In the methodology of Māturīdī, the field of tafsīr is composed of the explanations of the Prophet and the narratives of the companions who witnessed the revelations while in the classifications of those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity, tafsīr generally includes narratives. When the issue is handled within the framework of the desire of God and the statements of the mutakallim, it seems that the classification of Māturīdī is more punctual. However, it is understood that this approach does not give a satisfactory answer to the subsequent situations and bindingness of the mentioned data. In the classifications based on narrative-sagacity, the narratives in the field of tafsīr are taken as a whole without analyzing their health grades and their signification. However, some of these narrations are not authentic; so, in this respect it is a problematic issue that they are the subjects of the field of tafsīr. Besides, sometimes there can be different narrations about the tafsīr of verses from the companions. The evaluation these narratives in a field attributed to the desire of God may also pose a problem. The linguistic data that both Māturīdī and those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity include in the field of taʾwīl does not appear to have a homogeneous structure -as is the case with the narratives-. Indeed, among this data, there are elements whose meanings are quite hard to determine as well as firm ones that possibly have only one meaning. It is controversial that these expressions, which have only one meaning and to the validity of whose meaning other evidence point out are included in the field of taʾwīl.The distinction between meaning and interpretation fields in tafsīr is very important in terms of tafsīr methodology. This field designation is in a way a description of nature of the science of tafsīr. Thus, in matters where the human intelligence remains insufficient with the tafsīr narratives from the Prophet, the bindingness of the narratives from the companions are clarified; furthermore, beyond the narrative, the validity and the information values of interpretations of the glossator are determined. In this regard, the tafsīr-taʾwīl distinctions made in the classical tafsīr literature provide us with a rich content and a multifaceted point of view. However, when addressed separately, these distinctions present a number of problems in terms of scope and applicability. Our study proposes the evaluation of tafsīr-taʾwīl distinctions in classical literature together while the meaning-interpretation fields are specified in the framework of the search for methodology in tafsīr. Thus, the incomplete aspects of the classification will be eliminated and a much more comprehensive and functional classification will be achieved. At this point, the methodologies of some figures as Tabarī, who is known to have used the terms of tafsīr and taʾwīl in the same meaning, must also be evaluated separately. Indeed, when the works of these names are analyzed, it is seen that these names also distinguish the meaning-interpretation fields in tafsīr, but they do not do this through the tafsīr-taʾwīl concepts. (shrink)